Monday, 17 June 2013
Tuesday, 1 January 2013
The Rapes Go On. How Do We?
Compiled by Tanmoy Bhaduri
With Inputs From Tehelka
5 Reasons Why The Rapes Won’t Stop
1. THE MEN WHO HATE WOMEN
Honour killings, female foeticide, dowry deaths, acid attacks, public stripping and parading, eve-teasing, sexual assault — these are just some of the ways in which men in our country express their hatred for women. Some form of misogyny is endemic to every society, but in India, men get away with persecuting, abusing and raping women with a sense of glory and of celebrating their manhood. As activist Gautam Bhan says, the root cause may lie in the dangerous mix of impunity and entitlement at the core of contemporary masculinity in our culture. “Men are not born biologically violent. We make them so. Boys and men are raised in our society to think that we are men because we demand, we take, we win, we conquer.”
Honour killings, female foeticide, dowry deaths, acid attacks, public stripping and parading, eve-teasing, sexual assault — these are just some of the ways in which men in our country express their hatred for women. Some form of misogyny is endemic to every society, but in India, men get away with persecuting, abusing and raping women with a sense of glory and of celebrating their manhood. As activist Gautam Bhan says, the root cause may lie in the dangerous mix of impunity and entitlement at the core of contemporary masculinity in our culture. “Men are not born biologically violent. We make them so. Boys and men are raised in our society to think that we are men because we demand, we take, we win, we conquer.”
The “she asked for it” narrative is so deep-rooted that all discussions
about the issue of violence against women address the behaviour of women rather
than the perpetrators. Even the National Commission of Women (NCW) issues
advisories about how women should be careful of what they wear. The
perpetrators are often protected by their Khap, or clan or family. As the
reported cases of rape in our cities climb up, they point towards a reaction of
a patriarchy towards women stepping out of their prescribed domains. Lawyer
Rebecca John says, “There is a baser male element that seeks to exercise power
over women; and what better way than raping her. It’s a power equation where
men want to tell women that they are ultimately the masters of the universe.”
This power equation is established as much on the streets and public places as
on the domestic front where the woman is always a second class citizen. Marital
rape, child abuse and sexual violence remain taboo topics, even though
statistics point out that more than 80 percent of rapes committed in India are
by known perpetrators.
2. THE SYSTEM CLOSES RANKS
The Guwahati street molestation incident is a case study for the complete failure of governance, of the victim who was let down as much by the system as she was by society. First, the calls to the local police station were not answered; the search for suspects began two days after the incident when there was already a public outcry and the video went viral. Later, the statements of the police were deeply insensitive, the chief minister used it to score off his political rivals and, unforgivably, the NCW revealed the identity of the victim to the media.
The Guwahati street molestation incident is a case study for the complete failure of governance, of the victim who was let down as much by the system as she was by society. First, the calls to the local police station were not answered; the search for suspects began two days after the incident when there was already a public outcry and the video went viral. Later, the statements of the police were deeply insensitive, the chief minister used it to score off his political rivals and, unforgivably, the NCW revealed the identity of the victim to the media.
Akhila Sivadas of the Centre for Advocacy and Research points out
that there is no responsibility charter in place for the safety of women and
those loopholes need immediate attention in the wake of the Delhi case. The
State continues to play a passive role in tackling these issues. In Delhi,
women live with a curfew sanctioned by the CM, who says that women should be
home by a particular time, because she cannot secure the streets. Women have to
live with a constant threat and calibrate their actions with an enormous amount
of calculation: should I go out, where should I go, how should I dress. Author
Nilanjana Roy says, “There is no basic safety for a lot of Indian women. You are
not safe at home and you’re not safe on the streets, where are you safe? The
women in this country have a huge amount of fighting spirit, but we’d rather
not be fighting every day.”
3. JUSTICE: DELAYED AND DENIED
The speedy justice that is being demanded in the Delhi case is an exception backed by political will. Otherwise, figures from the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) tell a damning story of a 26 percent rape conviction rate for 2011, which means that fewer victims receive justice as the rate for conviction in rape cases declines in India, even as our laws related to sexual assault and rape cry out for a relook. The conviction rate is just another reason why victims are reluct ant to go to court and rapists are undeterred. Lawyer Rebecca John lays emphasis on the imbalance in the system. “You have 26 special courts set up in Delhi that look at corruption on a daily basis. This puts a strain on an overworked criminal justice system. Regular criminal courts have to look at 30-40 cases every day. At any point, there’ll be 100 rape cases at various stages. Corruption is important, but it doesn’t affect real lives the way rape does.”
The speedy justice that is being demanded in the Delhi case is an exception backed by political will. Otherwise, figures from the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) tell a damning story of a 26 percent rape conviction rate for 2011, which means that fewer victims receive justice as the rate for conviction in rape cases declines in India, even as our laws related to sexual assault and rape cry out for a relook. The conviction rate is just another reason why victims are reluct ant to go to court and rapists are undeterred. Lawyer Rebecca John lays emphasis on the imbalance in the system. “You have 26 special courts set up in Delhi that look at corruption on a daily basis. This puts a strain on an overworked criminal justice system. Regular criminal courts have to look at 30-40 cases every day. At any point, there’ll be 100 rape cases at various stages. Corruption is important, but it doesn’t affect real lives the way rape does.”
Gender crimes are imprecisely defined under the law, lacking
responsiveness to culturally specific ground realities. Lawyer Madhu Mehra
points out a particular instance — the practice of publicly stripping and
parading women. “This is not mentioned as a heinous crime under the graded
category of outraging the modesty of a woman. If you manage to grade sexual
assault, you’ll see the types of crimes that are peculiar to our subcontinent
and then decide appropriate punishment. You can’t leave so much to the imagination.”
4. ITEMISED: TRADING ON STEREOTYPE
Violence against women does not occur in isolation. As much as we reassess the legal and administrative breakdown, the role of popular culture, of films and media in objectifying women and perpetrating gender prejudices cannot be discounted. When young boys talk about women through their body parts, we overlook it by justifying that boys will be boys; when films tell us that it’s alright to tease women, we accept it as entertainment; when television shows and advertising peddle stereotypes, we do not even question them. Psychoanalyst Sudhir Kakar says, “The propagation of the idea of the body as a field of entertainment by the media and entertainment industries is nothing short of a perversion.”
Violence against women does not occur in isolation. As much as we reassess the legal and administrative breakdown, the role of popular culture, of films and media in objectifying women and perpetrating gender prejudices cannot be discounted. When young boys talk about women through their body parts, we overlook it by justifying that boys will be boys; when films tell us that it’s alright to tease women, we accept it as entertainment; when television shows and advertising peddle stereotypes, we do not even question them. Psychoanalyst Sudhir Kakar says, “The propagation of the idea of the body as a field of entertainment by the media and entertainment industries is nothing short of a perversion.”
The Delhi Police ran an ad campaign recently with Farhan Akhtar
where he urges men to protect women with the tagline ‘Be a man’. “Women don’t
need men to protect them. We need to fight the idea that the blame lies with
the woman,” says Kavita Krishnan of All India Progressive Women’s Association.
The brainwashing is pervasive. Independent filmmaker Onir says of plotlines and
characters in Bollywood, “They are suggesting that women being molested is
entertainment. You treat her badly, you humiliate her, but at the end of the
day she will come around.”
5. I, ME, MYSELF
Urbanisation and a weakening notion of community and culture has played a significant role in the rise of crimes against women. Metros like Delhi, Mumbai and Bengaluru are important commercial centres where millions of migrants from different social, cultural and economic backgrounds settle. Says Akhila Sivadas, “Cities are losing equilibrium and bursting at the seams. There is no sense of community, we all live in anonymity. It’s the ‘I’ phenomenon at work.” The economic disparity, in turn, means there is anger, which is frequently expressed through sexual offences against women. What adds fuel to the fire is that our idea of urbanisation is mock pastiche of the West. Kakar says, “The idea of full equality of women and their social emancipation, especially in the erotic sphere, is to be welcomed and advanced with all the strength at our command. But by putting this idea into practice through clumsy and feeble imitation of western mores of fashion, beauty and sexual conduct only diminishes the power and desirability of the idea, makes it appear superfluous, cheap and ludicrous.”
Urbanisation and a weakening notion of community and culture has played a significant role in the rise of crimes against women. Metros like Delhi, Mumbai and Bengaluru are important commercial centres where millions of migrants from different social, cultural and economic backgrounds settle. Says Akhila Sivadas, “Cities are losing equilibrium and bursting at the seams. There is no sense of community, we all live in anonymity. It’s the ‘I’ phenomenon at work.” The economic disparity, in turn, means there is anger, which is frequently expressed through sexual offences against women. What adds fuel to the fire is that our idea of urbanisation is mock pastiche of the West. Kakar says, “The idea of full equality of women and their social emancipation, especially in the erotic sphere, is to be welcomed and advanced with all the strength at our command. But by putting this idea into practice through clumsy and feeble imitation of western mores of fashion, beauty and sexual conduct only diminishes the power and desirability of the idea, makes it appear superfluous, cheap and ludicrous.”
Rape Capitals
Top 10 Indian cities with highest incidents of rape in 2011
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5 Things We Can Fix
1. SENSITISE, DON’T STIGMATISE
The loudest rallying cry was for better training of the personnel manning the frontlines, the government physicians, the constables and SHOs certainly, but also for bolstering secondary lines of engagement, the petty bureaucrats, the support workers at shelters and counselling centres. Lawyer Tridip Pais has witnessed firsthand, “the court staff, typist and the defence counsel treat rape cases as salacious gossip.” To surrender to the notion that some people cannot be taught, that their attitudes are too deeply inculcated, is to buckle at the first obstacle. While the private domain of the home is harder to access, a classroom can be located in a pre-school or a police station and even in a TV station.
The loudest rallying cry was for better training of the personnel manning the frontlines, the government physicians, the constables and SHOs certainly, but also for bolstering secondary lines of engagement, the petty bureaucrats, the support workers at shelters and counselling centres. Lawyer Tridip Pais has witnessed firsthand, “the court staff, typist and the defence counsel treat rape cases as salacious gossip.” To surrender to the notion that some people cannot be taught, that their attitudes are too deeply inculcated, is to buckle at the first obstacle. While the private domain of the home is harder to access, a classroom can be located in a pre-school or a police station and even in a TV station.
As Karuna Nundy, a lawyer, analogises astutely, “We’ve been
thinking of the Dalit boy sitting in a corner of the classroom, who sees a
cartoon that’s discriminatory. Think also of the girl who only sees Maharani
Laxmibai and Sarojini Naidu in her history books.” A curriculum that champions
the concept of gender equality and demonstrates it forcefully and evocatively,
could be the most effective weapon. As Mallika Dutt, president of the NGO
Breakthrough, says, a rejection of the male protectorate doesn’t mean that
women can’t collaborate with men, “not just as perpetrators of violence against
women, but as part of the solution to challenging the secondclass citizenship
that women experience in their homes and in the public space”
2. I’M NOT EVE, IT’S NOT TEASING
Lawyer Madhu Mehra is rightly strident in her criticism of the letter of the law. When only penile penetration gets classified as rape, and other brutally intrusive sexual assaults (like the one the young woman in Delhi was subjected to) are downgraded to “an outrage of modesty” — a charge carrying a maximum sentence of two years — the law becomes an obstruction to justice. Coyly couching rape in subjective terms like modesty and chastity makes a woman a vessel of uncertain virtue, to be graded by another’s moral cadences.
Lawyer Madhu Mehra is rightly strident in her criticism of the letter of the law. When only penile penetration gets classified as rape, and other brutally intrusive sexual assaults (like the one the young woman in Delhi was subjected to) are downgraded to “an outrage of modesty” — a charge carrying a maximum sentence of two years — the law becomes an obstruction to justice. Coyly couching rape in subjective terms like modesty and chastity makes a woman a vessel of uncertain virtue, to be graded by another’s moral cadences.
The vocabulary for rape has to be explicit, even when it is deeply
discomfiting, because each veneer of propriety adds a layer of sexism gratis.
When the self-aware and confident writer and blogger Meenakshi Reddy Madhavan
realised that the ditty boys beeping on car horns in Delhi was code for “Pakad,
pakadke chod do” (Catch ’em and fuck ’em), it still took her a while
to recognise it for the violent, hateful threatening behaviour it was. There
are so many allowances made for that sort of expression (rapper Honey Singh is
a case in point and, hopefully, soon will be a case for the judiciary), that it
can only be countered in precise, unequivocal language. Eve-teasing is sexual
harassment and abuse, there is nothing remotely biblical or fun about it.
3. ASK RIGHT QUESTIONS, GET RIGHT ANSWERS
The quasi-solidarity expressed by decision makers, the palaver of “whatever steps necessary” and “universal condemnation”, sounds like it comes from the heart, even as leaders sit on their hands. While impounding the specific chartered bus could be a standard step for this investigation, CM Sheila Dikshit’s appeal for an enforcement of a tinted window ban has an uncanny semblance to locking the stable door. A better understanding of the interplay of socioeconomic factors, a trenchant look at the breakdown of community structures in metropolises, analyses of structures that suppress the reporting of rape in rural areas, an examination of the efficacy of citizen warden programmes like the one ex-cop Kiran Bedi had initiated, could help make real headway. Com mission research, as Nilanjana Roy says, on how imbalanced male-female ratios can impact violence, chart the districts that have registered a decrease in gender violence and isolate the changing variables, publicise rigorously vetted findings and base policies around them.
The quasi-solidarity expressed by decision makers, the palaver of “whatever steps necessary” and “universal condemnation”, sounds like it comes from the heart, even as leaders sit on their hands. While impounding the specific chartered bus could be a standard step for this investigation, CM Sheila Dikshit’s appeal for an enforcement of a tinted window ban has an uncanny semblance to locking the stable door. A better understanding of the interplay of socioeconomic factors, a trenchant look at the breakdown of community structures in metropolises, analyses of structures that suppress the reporting of rape in rural areas, an examination of the efficacy of citizen warden programmes like the one ex-cop Kiran Bedi had initiated, could help make real headway. Com mission research, as Nilanjana Roy says, on how imbalanced male-female ratios can impact violence, chart the districts that have registered a decrease in gender violence and isolate the changing variables, publicise rigorously vetted findings and base policies around them.
4. PUT YOUR MONEY WHERE YOUR MOUTH IS
A report published by the NCW in 2001 on the need for gender sensitisation training modules for police officers, didn’t differ substantially in content or conclusions from TEHELKA’s sting operation conducted on 30 senior cops in Delhi-NCR. But the public money earmarked to combat these entrenched attitudes has had a fallow outcome. Lawyer Madhu Mehra’s strategy is to use the funds allocated to combat what she terms ‘gender terrorism’. “Make announcements about what kind of behaviour is to be reported. Loud, clear messages not just on TV, but at airports, bus stops, schools, again and again, till they are ingrained.”
A report published by the NCW in 2001 on the need for gender sensitisation training modules for police officers, didn’t differ substantially in content or conclusions from TEHELKA’s sting operation conducted on 30 senior cops in Delhi-NCR. But the public money earmarked to combat these entrenched attitudes has had a fallow outcome. Lawyer Madhu Mehra’s strategy is to use the funds allocated to combat what she terms ‘gender terrorism’. “Make announcements about what kind of behaviour is to be reported. Loud, clear messages not just on TV, but at airports, bus stops, schools, again and again, till they are ingrained.”
Nundy also says money can serve a moral purpose, though she
suggests channelling it through the civil courts, so that women can seek
compensation for psychological and material damage in a forum easier to
navigate. She also sugge sts an innovative system of incentives, where positive
behaviour in the criminal justice system towards Dalit women, lesbians and
sexually active women wearing skimpy clothes should be recognised and rewarded.
5. MEASURE YOUR RESPONSE
The response to this rape, to this attempt to murder, has been so heartening. If you can ignore the sadistic streak that runs parallel to the level reactions, which are in no way less impassioned for being reasonable. There have been calls to punish the rapists with lynching, staking, burning, forced organ donation under duress, or death by a slow dripping stream of acid. This makes the call for capital punishment sound almost rational. But as several respondents noted, faced with a death penalty, a rapist is more likely to turn a murderer. They disagreed on whether a harsher punishment could be a greater deterrent, or whether the actual gap to be plugged is the implementation. None advocated vigilante justice — punishment must be meted out by the law.
The response to this rape, to this attempt to murder, has been so heartening. If you can ignore the sadistic streak that runs parallel to the level reactions, which are in no way less impassioned for being reasonable. There have been calls to punish the rapists with lynching, staking, burning, forced organ donation under duress, or death by a slow dripping stream of acid. This makes the call for capital punishment sound almost rational. But as several respondents noted, faced with a death penalty, a rapist is more likely to turn a murderer. They disagreed on whether a harsher punishment could be a greater deterrent, or whether the actual gap to be plugged is the implementation. None advocated vigilante justice — punishment must be meted out by the law.
Avninder Singh, a lawyer, cautions against the collective
flip-flops prodded by a cause célèbre, “A while ago, we demanded the removal of
police discretion to arrest people accused of cyber crimes. Now we demand wider
powers for law enforcement. Today, a man convicted of rape was not granted
interim suspension of his sentence to attend the last rites of his father. Last
week, he’d have been.”
Sunday, 25 November 2012
REMEMBERING 26/11
A slight figure in cargo pants and sneakers and a blue sweatshirt, un-wielding Ajmal Kasab was the face of the horrific Mumbai terror attack and the key to unravel the conspiracy hatched in Pakistan. The images of Kasab ambling cockily--a backpack on his shoulders and an AK-47 dangling carelessly--captured on camera at the Chhatrapati Shivaji Terminus( CST) on the deadly night of November 26, 2008 formed hard evidence of his ruthless act and eventually led to his conviction. Kasab, 21 at that time, was the only gunman caught alive after 10 men from Pakistan-based terror group Lashkar-e-Taiba(LeT) struck during a 60-hour-siege of the country's financial capital. Hailing from an impoverished Faridkot village in Okara district in Pakistan's Punjab province, Kasab many times during the legal proceedings described himself as a patriotic Pakistani and that he had no remorse for waging war against India. His father was a food vendor. "I have done right, I have no regrets," he is quoted as having said. He, however, pleaded leniency on purported ground that he was brainwashed by LeT and acted like a robot. Kasab came under the influence of LeT while he was an unemployed youth and after training in one of several remote camps in Pakisan he was hand-picked for the Mumbai operation. In a meticulously planned terror attack on November 26, 2008, Kasab and nine others left Pakistan and entered Mumbai via sea. The group split into pairs and stormed two luxury hotels--Taj Mahal and Oberoi Trident--CST station, a Jewish religious centre, and Leopold Cafe in south Mumbai. In their indiscriminate firing, 166 people including 18 foreigners were killed and scores injured. While it is reported that he told the police that he was trained to "kill to the last breath when he was arrested, he pleaded with the medical staff: "I do not want to die. Put me on saline". Later, after interrogation in the hospital by the police, he said: "Now, I do not want to live", requesting the interrogators to kill him for the safety of his family in Pakistan who could be killed or tortured for his surrender to Indian police. Kasab is also reported to have told the police that he and his associate Ismail Khan, were the ones who shot Anti-Terror Squad(ATS) chief Hemant Karkare, encounter specialist Vijay Salaskar and Additional Commissioner Ashok Kamte.
Wednesday, 17 October 2012
Tuesday, 4 September 2012
ZOO.com Magazine
Since last fifteen days i can't write my blog because i am busy to edit a magazine, ZOO.COM (Ramakrishna Mission Vivekananda Centenary College's Zoology Department's wall magazine). Tommorrow 5th September, we will publish our ZOO.COM Teachers' Day issue. Here is my editorial column. I completed this work with the generous help of Ashish Mondal (NOTHING BUT ZOOLOGY), Dibakar Bhattacharjee (SOCIAL REFLECTION), Gourab Biswas (COVER STORY), Sabarna Saraswati (OPEN FORUM) and Santu Bhattacharya (CHALK FOR CHEESE).
Tuesday, 17 July 2012
DIDI'S PAIN DADA'S PLEASURE
Mamata Banerjee today announced her "painful decision" to vote for Pranab Mukherjee in the presidential election, seeking to cut her losses once it became clear she was "left with no other option".
"We will vote for Pranab Mukherjee in the presidential election. It is a painful decision. I am finding it difficult to accept it. It was a difficult one for us. I cannot smile while I am saying this," the chief minister told reporters at Writers' Buildings.
Displaying signs of the nimble-footed political instincts that had often bailed her out of adversity, the Trinamul chief conceded that she had run out of options. "For the sake of coalition politics, the people, the state and democracy we have taken this decision. There was no other option before us," she said.
The media conference was convened at short notice after Mamata met party leaders at Writers' this afternoon. After the 30-minute session, Mamata walked out of her chamber to announce the decision.
Mamata explained why she had no option but to vote for Mukherjee. "We could have abstained. Or we had the option of voting for Pranabda or P.A. Sangma. If we didn't vote, that would not have made much difference. If we vote for Pranabda, he gains the 50,000 votes that we have. I feel that for the larger interest, we have to vote in his favour," Mamata said.
Trinamul sources said Mamata was clear that she could not vote for Sangma as she did not want to be seen voting along with the BJP.
Mamata's decision means that Trinamul voters and those of the Left will vote for the same candidate. The CPM's support for Mukherjee played a role in prompting Mamata to go with the UPA and reduce chances of a renewal of contact between the Congress and the Left.
Before stepping out of her chamber, Mamata had already dialled the Prime Minister who could not attend her call. But Manmohan Singh called back, following which Mamata informed him of her decision and the Prime Minister thanked her. Calls from Sonia Gandhi and the presidential candidate would follow.
"I have been in touch with the Prime Minister and also Soniaji. She knew my mind," Mamata said. "He asked me whether we would support Pranabda. I told him 'you will be happy to know that we have decided to support him'. He was very happy."
Mamata, whose clout in the UPA is under stress after the presidential poll manoeuvres droveMulayam Singh Yadav closer to the Congress, sought to shed her image as the trouble-maker-in-chief. "We have not struck any deal. This is for the sake of coalition politics," she said.
Trinamul sources said compulsions of running the state government had also forced Mamata's hand. "By supporting Pranabda, Mamata has shown that she is committed to the UPA," said a senior Trinamul minister.
Sources in Delhi said the Centre might offer a financial package but that would be out of concern over the state of affairs in Bengal and not because of any quid pro quo deal.
The chief minister tried to address criticism that she had allowed her personal preferences to stand in the way of a Bengali becoming the President for the first time. Mukherjee is "Banglar manush. So, I took this opportunity to vote for him", Mamata said.
She insisted that her initial choice of A.P.J. Abdul Kalam was correct but he did not agree to contest because of "political non-co-operation".
The presidential load off her mind, Mamata retreated to her chamber to paint flowers on canvas.
Tanmoy Bhaduri, Kolkata
Thursday, 5 July 2012
Little Rainfall, but Mumbai sees Flood
The first few showers have already brought with it a rising number of virulent forms of conjunctivitis, which not only takes weeks to heal but also has corneal complications.
The outdoor patient departments (OPDs) of city hospitals are flooded with conjunctivitis cases, in addition to fever and respiratory problems.Over the last one week, hospitals have recorded a sharp rise in patients suffering from acute conjunctivitis.
Dr Harshvardhan Ghorpade, consultant ophthalmologist at Fortis Hospital, said, “Around 20% of the conjunctivitis cases that I am getting are with corneal complications, where we see white spots on the cornea and there is a drop in vision.”
According to ophthalmologists, patients suffering from viral conjunctivitis experience severe pain and more redness, which can last for weeks. “This may be because of the mutation of the virus. All that people can do is be careful and embrace hygiene to prevent getting the disease,” added Dr Ghorpade.
Dr Nagendra Shah, consultant eye specialist at Bombay Hospital, said, “It is best to treat the viral conjunctivitis at the onset and show it to a doctor instead of self-treatment. The delay in proper treatment is worsening the virulent form of conjunctivitis. Also, we are getting cases were the viral conjunctivitis is associated with fever and upper respiratory problem. So, the doctor should not only concentrate on the eye, but also look out for the other problems.”
Dr Pranay Kapadia, an ophthalmologist, said: “This is a good time for the conjunctivitis-causing bacteria to spread.People need to be careful with hygiene so that it does not spread. Also, the spread of conjunctivitis can be checked by avoiding touching the eyes frequently.”
Experts have warned people against self-medication or buying eye drops without consulting a specialist, as it can be dangerous.
City hospitals have also witnessed a rise in cases of viral fever, malaria, typhoid, and pneumonia in the last one week.
Tuesday, 3 July 2012
Animals Killed as Assam Flood Waters Fill Parks, Sanctuaries
The severe floods in Assam have resulted in the killing of a number of animals and inundation of large areas of national parks and wildlife sanctuaries, including the world-famous Kaziranga.
The animals which lost their lives in the annual scourge include two highly endangered one-horned rhinos, senior Forest Department officials said.
In the Kaziranga National Park, wild animals such as elephants, hog deers, swamp deers, buffaloes and wild boars have moved out of the park for shelter and food to the higher reaches of neighbouring hill district of Karbi Anglong.
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FLOOD DEVASTATION IN ASSAM |
A one-horned rhino, a wild boar and 22 hog deers drowned in the swirling waters that have covered a vast portion of the Park.
Another 15 hog deers and a wild boar were killed after they were knocked down by vehicles on the National Highway 37 which passes through the Park.
Last evening, Kaziranga oficials recovered a carcass of a one-horned rhino from the Karbi Anglong hills.
It is presumed that the rhino, which escaped from the rising waters, was a victim of poaching as its horn is found missing.
More than a hundred wild animals, mainly hog deers, were also rescued and released in the Panbari reserve forest and Kukurakata reserve forest.
"Round-the-clock vigilance has been arranged on the NH-37 and nearby high ground outside the Park. Animals which moved out to higher ground, particularly towards Karbi Anglong, are being guarded round the clock," an official said.
The administration of Golaghat district where Kaziranga is situated, has imposed prohibitory orders under section 144 CrPC on NH-37 between Bokakhat and Jakhalabandha to regulate speed of vehicles in an effort to prevent accidents.
Barricades have been placed at strategic points on the vital NH-37 with additional deployment of staff.
"Two mobile veterinary squads have been deployed to ensure proper rescue and rehabilitation of the marooned and distressed wild animals," the official said.
Latest reports, however, said that the flood water has started receding from several stretches in the Park.
In the Laokhowa Wildlife Sanctuary in upper Assam, 18 hog deer were rescued, while two others drowned.
In the Manas National Park which borders Bhutan in lower Assam and the Pobitora Wildlife Sanctuary in Morigaon district of central Assam, there was no report of death of animals despite huge swaths being under water.
Another 15 hog deers and a wild boar were killed after they were knocked down by vehicles on the National Highway 37 which passes through the Park.
Last evening, Kaziranga oficials recovered a carcass of a one-horned rhino from the Karbi Anglong hills.
It is presumed that the rhino, which escaped from the rising waters, was a victim of poaching as its horn is found missing.
More than a hundred wild animals, mainly hog deers, were also rescued and released in the Panbari reserve forest and Kukurakata reserve forest.
"Round-the-clock vigilance has been arranged on the NH-37 and nearby high ground outside the Park. Animals which moved out to higher ground, particularly towards Karbi Anglong, are being guarded round the clock," an official said.
The administration of Golaghat district where Kaziranga is situated, has imposed prohibitory orders under section 144 CrPC on NH-37 between Bokakhat and Jakhalabandha to regulate speed of vehicles in an effort to prevent accidents.
Barricades have been placed at strategic points on the vital NH-37 with additional deployment of staff.
"Two mobile veterinary squads have been deployed to ensure proper rescue and rehabilitation of the marooned and distressed wild animals," the official said.
Latest reports, however, said that the flood water has started receding from several stretches in the Park.
In the Laokhowa Wildlife Sanctuary in upper Assam, 18 hog deer were rescued, while two others drowned.
In the Manas National Park which borders Bhutan in lower Assam and the Pobitora Wildlife Sanctuary in Morigaon district of central Assam, there was no report of death of animals despite huge swaths being under water.
Monday, 2 July 2012
TRIBUTE TO TARUN SEHRAWAT : PHOTOGENIC
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Singed innocence A child outside his house in Tadmetla, torched by security forces
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Home? A young mother with her baby in Tadmetla, Dantewada, standing in what’s left of her house
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Living on ashes Madvi Pisse with her family in Tadmetla, salvaging grain in their burnt-down kitchen
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Last sign Aidma Kaher was threatened by SPOs in Abujmarh to keep mum about Operation Hakka
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Scarred remains Rava Kosa, a tribal in Dantewada, whose house was burnt down by security forces in a combing operation in March 2011
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Monsoon's Impact on Indian Economy
The Indian Meteorological Department (IMD) has forecast an average monsoon in 2012, retaining its earlier forecast in April.
CLASSIFICATION
An average or normal monsoon means rainfall between 96 and 104 percent of a 50-year average of 89 centimetres during a four-month season from June, India's weather office says. Rainfall below 90 percent of the average is considered a drought.
ARRIVAL
The monsoon season starts with the arrival of the rains on the southern Kerala coast around June 1. Its progress triggers planting of summer crops.
PROGRESS
After hitting the south coast, it takes about a week to cover the coffee, tea and rubber growing areas of south India. It spreads to the rice areas of eastern parts in the first 10 days. It usually covers half of the country in the first fortnight and enters the oilseed-producing areas of central India in the third week of June. Cotton areas in the western region get rains by the first week of July. It covers entire country by mid-July.
Half of India's farm output comes from crops planted during the first half of the June-September season.
Here are some facts on the monsoon and its impact:
CROPS
RICE : Farmers sow paddy at the start of the monsoon in June and the key areas are in the east and south. The crop is heavily dependent on rains for irrigation.
A bumper harvest last year led the government to lift a four year ban on exports and rainfall within the average will erase any chance of a return of the export ban for the world's second largest producer of the grain after China.
SUGARCANE : An average monsoon will help the world's top sugar producer after Brazil to keep its free export policy on sugar in the new season from October 1.
OTHERS : Corn, lentils, oilseeds and cotton -- important crops in western and central India -- have some dependency on the seasonal rains. India remains a net importer of lentils and cooking oils and domestic output can alter overseas purchases. An average rainfall could allow the world's second biggest producer of cotton continue with its free policy on overseas sale.
ECONOMY AND MARKETS
-- The monsoon rains are vital for farm output and economic growth in India, the world's second-biggest producer of rice, wheat, sugar and cotton. Farm sector shares for about 15 percent of India's nearly $2 trillion economy, Asia's third biggest.
-- India is largely self-sufficient in major foodgrains such as rice and wheat, but drought can send the country to global markets. In 2009, India had to import sugar, sending global prices to record highs and pushing up inflation.
-- Higher farm output would rein in food prices and help the government to take steps to cut the fiscal deficit and farm subsidies. India's food inflation rose to 10.66 percent in May from 10.18 percent in April, latest figures show.
-- A stronger economic outlook can lift sentiment in equity markets, mainly of companies selling products in rural areas, including consumer goods and automobiles.
-- Monsoon rains impact demand for gold in India, the world's top consumer of the metal, as purchases get a boost when farming incomes rise amid high crop output.
IRRIGATION, POWER
-- Monsoon rains replenish reservoirs and lift ground-water levels, allowing better irrigation and more hydropower output.
-- Higher rainfall can cut demand for subsidised diesel, which is used to pump water from wells for irrigation and makes up for about 40 percent of India's oil products demand.
Monday, 18 June 2012
In Didi’s success story, a disappointment : Singur
“Even as we complete one year in office, I have a pain, a sadness in my mind — the Singur stalemate and the plight of the suffering farmers,” said West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee this afternoon while addressing the main programme to celebrate the first anniversary of the Trinamool Congress in the state.
“If any one asks what is my biggest dissatisfaction after a year in office, I will say it is the Singur farmers,” she said and went on to announce a relief scheme for farmers who are yet to back their land even after a prolonged struggle since 2006. She announced that such poor farmers will get Rs 1,000 each as relief grant every month and Rs 2 a kg rice for their families till the problem is sorted out. The local leaders have appealed to the government for such a scheme for such farmers, she said.
She explained that the Singur issue is now sub-judice. “We had acquired the land and the land is now vested with the government. But the case needs to be settled in the court of law before we can hand it back to the farmers.
“Apart from Singur it has been a story of smiles for the Darjeeling hills. The Junglemahal is smiling, too,” said Mamata Banerjee and went on to add emphatically: “We have conquered the wave. We have not got lost. We have survived.”
Winning the polls was one thing but to run the government under a virtual “financial emergency” was yet another great feat. “But we have done it. And we will do what we have promised,” said a beaming Chief Minister clad in what looked like a new designer black and white sari befitting the occasion.
The CM and the West Bengal Governor were flanked by the entire cabinet and central ministers and MPs from the Trinamool Congress.
The celebration was packaged as the “Festival of Progress” at the government fair ground off E M Bypass near Science City where government departments had set up pavilions and the Chief Minister went round some after the main function was over.
Speaking on the occasion, Mamata once again came down heavily on the 34-year Left rule in Bengal “during which all Bengali great personalities, from Rabindranath Tagore to Swami Vivekananda, from Kazi Nazrul Islam to Ramakrishna Praamhansa, were relegated to the background and forgotten”.
“The Trinamool Congress government has taken up the challenge to restore all these, the challenge to once again bring Bengal back to the path of growth and position of eminence and make it one of the leading states in India with development, reforms and restoration of confidence and self respect of the people in the state.
“Ever since I assumed office, I have not taken a day off. We are working together and we are committed to achieve prosperity and glory for Bengal ,” she said. She also released a book titled “Hope to Reality.”
Earlier, West Bengal Governor, the chief guest of the occasion, M K Narayanana described the occasion as “historic.” He said the state has a “dynamic leadership” under Mamata now and the government should be steadfast it achieving its goal of a “Sonar Bangla.” There have been promises of a “radiant future” in the past too, but Bengal ‘s tradition has suffered setback while democracy has been undermined in the past. He, therefore, warned that the action of the new government should not suffer in the same way.
He said the buzz word for the new government in Bengal has been “parivartan” and not “defeatism.” “Democracy is a combination of steps taken to galvanize development and progress,” he said and reminded “there are miles to go”. He, however, admitted that while perfection was elusive, a lot has been achieved by the new government.
President poll: Mamata Banerjee running out of options
Kolkata: Former President APJ Abdul Kalam's decision to withdraw from the Presidential race came as a huge shock to Trinamool Congress chief and West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee. This was the second blow in three days after her short-term friend Samajwadi Party chief Mulayam Singh Yadav abandoned her to back Pranab. It now seems that the Trinamool Congress chief is running out of options.
The Trinamool Congress on Monday came up with a thinly veiled threat with party leader Sudip Bandyopadhyay saying, "We are with the government but can resign when the time comes."
After APJ Abdul Kalam himself ruled out his participation in the Presidential race, for Mamata, who was his most vociferous proponent, there was little to do but go back to political brinkmanship. Kalam's refusal is a big blow and Mamata wrote on Facebook, "Kalam Saheb...I have seen your statement that you are not contesting. This news has hurt us all deeply."
Having hedged her bets on Kalam, Mamata has already refused to back NCP leader PA Sangma's Presidential ambitions.
The Congress, meanwhile, is playing it cool. It even reached out by pulling up party general secretary Digvijaya Singh for criticising Mamata's stand on Pranab.
Congress leader Shakeel Ahmed said, "Mamata Banerjee was, is and will be a close ally of the UPA. I am hopeful that she will take lead in making Pranab Mukherjee victorious in President's race."
Mamata Banerjee is now left with few choices. Having said a firm no to Pranab Mukherjee, she can now either abstain from voting or side with the NDA, which also seems political improbable as she then would have to pull the plug on the UPA.
Tuesday, 5 June 2012
Mamata sweeps urban Bengal, but loses Haldia
Haldia verdict : Don't need new Lakshman
Haldia elected Lakshman Seth's wife but defeated someone who many feared would become his "worthy successor".
The biggest surprise of this round of civic elections is the inability ofTrinamul strongman Subhendu Adhikari to deliver the knockout punch on Lakshman, the toppled CPM satrap.
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| MAMATAA : SILENT PLEASE |
This is not the ending that Subhendu, Trinamul's MP from Tamluk and the president of the party's youth wing, had envisaged as he piled one humiliation after another on the CPM since Nandigram erupted in 2008. Subhendu is part of the Adhikari political family whose presence is larger than that of Trinamul itself in East Midnapore. "Adhikari's attitude reminded us of Seth's dictatorial ways in his heyday. The people of Haldia did not want another Seth and it got reflected in the polls," said an industrialist who runs a business in petro-products in Haldia.
The Telegraph had reported last September how several industrialists had complained that the supporters of Subhendu were controlling the supply of manpower and materials to industrial units.
Two names that cropped up more than once then ' Azizur Rehman and Milon Mandal ' were among the losers in the civic elections. Subhendu as well as Rehman and Mandal had then denied any link to such activities and described the complaints as baseless.
The poll results reflect the depth of discontent in the factory belt: Trinamul has lost seven out of nine wards that comprise the industrial zone with units like Haldia Petrochemicals, Mitsubishi, Exide and Indian Oil.
In the 26-ward municipality as a whole, Trinamul, which had won six seats along with alliance partner Congress in 2007, has bagged 11 this time ' four less than the Assembly poll leads in the same wards.
Compared with the result in 2007, Trinamul has now gained in vote share. From 39.56 per cent that it got along with ally Congress, the share has gone up to 46.33 per cent.
But the failure in securing the civic board from the beleaguered Left stands out as a sore thumb in an otherwise unchallenged run by Trinamul.
"The victory in Haldia has come as a surprise to us… We had a tough time finding suitable candidates in all the wards as the organisational strength in our East Midnapore unit has depleted drastically in the past one year," said a CPM central committee member.
The lack of organisational might was evident in the run-up to the elections. The CPM could not organise big rallies in the absence of leaders like Lakshman and Amiya Sahoo, the district secretariat member who has also been arrested. The party's campaign ' led by Tamalika ' was low-key with focus on door-to-door initiatives and small meetings.
"I thank the people of Haldia for standing by us and rejecting those who had created an atmosphere of terror here," Tamalika, who was overwhelmed by the victory, told ABP Ananda after the results were announced.
Tamalika is likely to retain her post, which will allow her to control the Haldia Development Authority (HDA) as well. Together, the two agencies have a combined annual budget of over Rs 100 crore.
Although Subhendu has never held any post in the party's district hierarchy, he has been running the show in Haldia since the Nandigram protests broke out and the Left lost the zilla parishad in 2008.
"His (Subhendu's) main aim, however, was to run the show at the municipality and HDA…. In preparation, he became the president in almost all the Trinamul-held labour unions and inducted his men as working presidents to control the key decisions in those units," said a businessman.
According to him, Subhendu was following the same model that Lakshman had fine-tuned as he rose from an ordinary party worker to the most influential leader in Haldia.
The slide of the CPM in Haldia ' and also in other parts of East Midnapore ' was linked to the politics of Lakshman, who had become a law unto himself.
The verdict showed the people of Haldia had rejected the same brand of politics, which Subhendu was accused of trying to champion."People of Haldia have disapproved Trinamul's high-handed approach and the results clearly reflect that," said Om Prakash Mishra, PCC general secretary.
The defeat is more likely to be attributed to Subhendu than Trinamul as, unlike in other places in Bengal, Haldia has not been under the direct control of Mamata Banerjee.
Some Trinamul insiders said Adhikari had a free run in Haldia as he had promised Mamata to take the civic board from CPM. During a public spat between Seuli Saha, the Trinamul MLA from Haldia, and Subhendu over nomination of candidates for the civic polls, the party backed the young MP and gave preference to his list of nominees.
"There are at least three wards where Seuli's candidates were replaced with those of Subhendu, and the party lost in all three of them. Internal feud cost us dear in Haldia.… Had we presented a united face, the results could have been different," said a party leader.
Subhendu conceded that internal differences ' which became public when Seuli held a media conference and spoke out against the MP ' did affect his party's fortunes in the civic polls.
"Public statements by some leaders have adversely hit our fortunes…. I didn't discuss it before and neither will I do it now," Adhikari said at a public rally in Haldia late this evening, where he said he wanted to resign as the president of the Trinamul Youth Congress.
"A lot of people had said that this election was my fight against the CPM and I admit it. But let me assure all of you that I will give a fitting reply in the panchayat polls," he said.
On the other hand, the Congress's Shankar Singh has "bounced back'' with the Cooper's Camp municipal election that has put 11 of the 12 wards into the Congress kitty. Singh's "achievement'', said a PCC leader, is all the more striking as the Congress had to face opposition from Trinamul. Here, the Left couldn't even hold on to the lone seat it had got in 2007.
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